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Data for Progress compared a 2026 survey of U.S. adults with a 1995 survey and found lower reported participation in several social activities, including entertaining at home and attending club meetings. The groups used different survey methods, so the organization says the comparisons suggest trends rather than provide precise estimates of change.
A new Data for Progress comparison finds that fewer U.S. adults reported taking part in many social activities in 2026 than in 1995, including entertaining guests at home, attending club meetings and going to a place of worship. The analysis offers a snapshot of changes in reported activities over three decades, but its authors caution that differences in how the two surveys were conducted mean the results are suggestive, not precise estimates of how participation changed.
Data for Progress surveyed 1,098 U.S. adults in 2026, asking how often they had done specified activities in the previous 12 months. The organization compared the results with the 1995 DDB Needham Life Style survey, which asked corresponding questions. The report presents the share of respondents who had participated in each activity at least once in the past year.
Reported participation in entertaining people at home fell from 88% in 1995 to 67% in 2026, a 21-percentage-point difference. The share reporting attendance at a club meeting declined from 45% to 26%. Other decreases included attending a class or seminar, down 22 points; attending church or another place of worship, down 20 points; going on a picnic and playing cards, each down 19 points; going out for breakfast at a restaurant, down 13 points; and doing volunteer work, down 12 points.
The report also found increases in several activities: reported internet use rose by 90 points, playing a home video game by 22 points, attending an exercise class by 14 points, going to a pop or rock concert by 13 points, and taking an airline trip for personal reasons by five points. These figures describe changes in the share reporting an activity, not how often people did it or how much time they spent socializing.
The comparisons add activity-level detail to wider discussion about changes in Americans’ social lives. A decline in activities such as hosting at home and attending club meetings may matter because these are settings where people can meet and maintain relationships. The survey does not, however, establish why participation fell or whether the change reflects fewer social connections, different ways of socializing, or shifts in how respondents answer surveys.
The findings also resist a simple account of all social activity moving in the same direction. Some activities tied to entertainment, exercise and travel had higher participation, while many traditional group or in-person activities had lower reported participation. The data therefore describe different trajectories across activities, rather than proving that Americans socialize less in every way.
That distinction matters for readers and policymakers considering loneliness or community participation. The comparison can help identify areas for further study, but it cannot on its own show that declines in a particular activity caused loneliness, nor can it quantify a change in the quality of people’s relationships.
The report builds on other indicators cited by Data for Progress. American Time Use Survey tracking has shown that people spend more time alone and less time with friends than they did two decades earlier. Separately, the American Perspectives Survey found that the share of Americans reporting five or more close friends fell from 63% in 1990 to 38% in 2021, a 25-percentage-point decline.
Public attention to loneliness has also grown. In 2023, the U.S. surgeon general issued an advisory describing American loneliness as an “epidemic.” The new comparison takes a different approach: instead of measuring time spent with others or number of close friends, it asks whether respondents took part in particular activities at least once over the previous year.
The 1995 results come from the DDB Needham Life Style surveys, a series that tracked participation from 1975 to 1999 and was referenced in Robert Putnam’s 2000 book Bowling Alone. Data for Progress chose 1995 because it was the earliest year in that survey series with full data for all the activities included in its comparison.
“The findings should be read as suggestive of trends, not a precise estimate of change.”
— Data for Progress
Limits of the Survey Comparison
The two surveys used different sampling and data-collection methods. The 1995 DDB Needham survey used a stratified quota procedure based on commercial lists and contacted participants by mail. The 2026 Data for Progress survey used web-panel suppliers, quota fielding and post-stratification weighting to seek national representativeness.
Because the samples, survey modes and weighting approaches differed, changes in responses may reflect both real behavioral shifts and differences in who was reached or how people answered. Data for Progress notes that survey mode can affect responses on subjects including religiosity and loneliness, and that social-desirability bias may also play a role. The report argues that the size and consistency of the patterns across activities still provide a signal, but does not claim to isolate those effects.
The comparison also records whether respondents did an activity at least once in a year. It does not measure frequency, attendance, time spent, the size of social networks or whether activities took place with close friends. The findings do not establish causes for the changes, and the supplied report does not provide a direct measure of how many people became lonely or socially isolated.
Further Tracking Needed
The report does not announce a follow-up survey or a next publication date. To determine whether the patterns continue, researchers would need comparable measurements collected over time, ideally with methods that allow clearer distinctions between behavioral change and survey-design effects.
For now, the results are best read alongside other indicators, including time-use data and surveys about friendship. Those sources measure different aspects of social life; together they can help researchers track whether shifts in specific activities correspond to changes in time spent with others or in reported social connection. Data for Progress’s comparison points to declines across several activities, while leaving the reasons and broader effects unresolved.
Key Questions
What did the Data for Progress analysis find?
It found that the share of adults reporting several activities at least once in the previous year was lower in the 2026 survey than in the 1995 comparison. Examples include entertaining people at home, club meetings and worship attendance.
How much did home entertaining decline?
The share reporting that they entertained people at home at least once in the past year fell from 88% in 1995 to 67% in 2026, a 21-percentage-point difference.
Do the results prove Americans socialize less?
No. The findings suggest declines in reported participation across a number of activities, but the surveys used different methods. The comparison cannot precisely measure the size of behavioral change or establish what caused it.
Did every activity decline?
No. The report found increases in reported participation in internet use, home video games, exercise classes, pop or rock concerts and personal airline trips. These measures indicate whether an activity happened at least once during the year, not how frequently it occurred.
What remains unknown?
The comparison does not explain why participation changed, whether people replaced these activities with other forms of socializing, or how the reported shifts relate to loneliness and social isolation. Differences in survey design also make the exact size of change uncertain.
Source: hn
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